On the other hand, hundreds of others are drooling over the possibility of walking into the parliament, given that the BNP has surely expressed their unwillingness to join the polls, and that the ruling party would again have to come to an arrangement (real or perceived) with the Jatiyo Party and make it look like a weighty opposition to the rest of the world.
It is a legal obligation that anyone using the party name and symbol would require the signature of Chairman G M Quader (in Jatiyo Party's case), before the validation by the Election Commission. Of course, the provision is equally applicable for the Chief Patron Rowshan Ershad too, her post being ornamental according to the party constitution. It looks as though, Rowshan has not submitted her nomination, creating the scope for some media to further stir her longstanding row with Quader. Quader on the other hand has ordered that the nomination deadline be extended, with the hope that she changes her mind, resulting in a united Jatiyo Party. On the other hand, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) is vehemently opposed to participating in an election under the ruling party.
This piece aims to clarify the Jatiyo Party's current position and how commoners might be perceiving the party's stance - a savior of democracy, or an opportunist in the absence of the BNP?
The Quader-Rowshan feud: At this point, it is immaterial whether the two are together, or have plans to lead two different clans of devotees under the same party banner. Rowshan has throughout been in favor of participating in the election. Now that Quader has ordered to pin candidates in all 300 seats and more than 1700 nomination aspirants have collected their forms as well, the debor-bhabi(brother-in-law and sister-in-law) drama has come to an end.
There is no iota of doubt about the fact that the ruling Awami League has achieved the confidence of what is perceived as the third-largest political party, in order to join the polls under their regime. Hence, even if Rowshan at the moment, for whatever reason abstains from participating, her party Chairman Quader has already been 'managed'. I doubt if the voters, who for a brief period might have paid attention to Quader's bold words against the ruling party in the recent past, are surprised at Quader's ultimate decision onthe Jatiyo Party's confirmed participation.
The two-facedness: There were multiple instances in the past when the founder Chairman of the Jatiyo party H M Ershad was criticized for changing his opinions and crucial party decisions overnight. Well-wishers of the party would certainly not want the same sort of stain in Quader's image. But why does it look as though, the strong words from his recently published book and public speeches, do not adhere to his sudden political move?
Quader in his book has brilliantly dissected the Constitution of Bangladesh in proving how the mere existence of democracy in the country is legally impossible. It is beyond any doubt that readers would highly appreciate his effort in bringing about specific provisions of the constitution, in elucidating on how all three organs of the government, namely the legislation, executive, and a significant portion of the judiciary, are all in the hands of the Prime Minister of Bangladesh. The readers of his book would be convinced of the fact that the constitution discourages the practice of democracy when a ruling party exists in the parliament with an overwhelming majority.
Although Quader has rightfully mentioned that the caretaker government system in the past had failed, but in an interview, he expressed his willingness to share a proposed formula whenever the government might be ready. It is not surprising for anyone to wonder if Quader and his party were more inclined towards making the government happy than the voters. Why must a proposed idea of the opposition be shared with the ruling party first, whereas in the good spirit of democracy, the voters might (or might not) appreciate the party's quest to present a solution during a deadlock situation?
But now, having presented no formula or possibilities in front of the voters, his decision to participate in the elections is not only unexpected from a politician of his stature but portrays his whole party as a crowd of opportunists, whereby the party's handful of MPs are unwilling to give away the luxury of their positions and the power and benefits such position entails.
On the other hand, hundreds of others are drooling over the possibility of walking into the parliament, given that the BNP has surely expressed their unwillingness to join the polls, and that the ruling party would again have to come to an arrangement (real or perceived) with the Jatiyo Party and make it look like a weighty opposition to the rest of the world.
There is no doubt to the fact that the ruling party supporters deem the Jatiyo Party as the savior of democracy at this moment. They seem to be vested with the responsibility of 'protecting' the Constitution. But in doing so, the Jatiyo Party in the past has always been placed in the best of situations, starting from the peculiarity of having ministers in the cabinet (as the opposition), to being the convenient and home-grown opposition which the government befriends and provides to.
As a party, they would again gain from MPs, financial and muscle strength, and of course, the prestige that comes around as the official opposition. But it is high time that Quader asks himself - do people actually deem the Jatiyo Party as a real opposition? Would any honorable person be respectful towards a perceived 'B-team'? Could he not have gained public empathy, had his party not given into what is anticipated by manyas anon-credible election?
Lastly, Quader in his book has boldly (rightfully or otherwise as an opposition leader) compared the current political situation to that of the BaKSAL, being critical in his tone of such a one-party system. However, having made the decision to participate in the elections, he should understand that the citizens of Bangladesh would now justifiably be equipped with the impression that the Jatiyo Party at present is indeed an integral part of this system that he himself was critical of.
The writer is an editor, Progress Magazine
