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How did student movement turn into a political movement?

Published : Sunday, 28 July, 2024 at 12:00 AM  Count : 425
Dr Arun Kumar Goswami
Bangladesh has once again faced intense student protests over the quota system for government jobs. This deep-seated issue, simmering for years, has erupted into violence, shutting down educational institutions and leaving a trail of devastation. The emotional intensity driving this conflict has resulted in 187 tragic deaths and thousands of injuries.

The Bangladeshi Constitution promises equality in public employment, but affirmative action policies have created exceptions. After the 1971 War of Independence, the government introduced quotas for freedom fighters-a necessary step at the time. However, these quotas were not adjusted over the years, leading to a sense of unfairness among meritorious students from other backgrounds.

This dissatisfaction led to a significant reform movement in 2018, and the Bangladesh government decided to abolish the quota system at that time. The abolition of the quota system sparked disappointment among those previously benefiting. On June 5, 2024, the high court of Bangladesh reinstated the quota system in response to a writ submitted by a freedom fighter descent. 
The students did not take it easily. They have again gone to the streets to protest the return of the quota system, an issue they thought had been resolved. Initially, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina stated that peaceful protests would be tolerated. However, the situation escalated as reports surfaced of government ministers hinting at a harsher crackdown on protesters. 

The tension escalated when Sheikh Hasina made a remark on July 14 while answering a controversial question from a journalist regarding quota reform protesters. She said, "Why do they [the protesters] have so much resentment towards the freedom fighters? If the grandchildren of the freedom fighters don't get quota benefits, should the grandchildren of Razakars get the benefit?" 

Following her remarks, thousands of students from the Dhaka University student dorms came out to the street and started shouting a slogan which can be translated as "Who am I? Who are You? Razakar, Razakar. Who said that? Who said that? Autocrat. Autocrat." The country became starkly divided, with some supporting the protesters' call for change and others viewing any reform as an affront to the freedom fighters' legacy.

The following day, the movement gained momentum and violence has escalated, involving police, Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), and other national forces. The unrest has turned campuses, intended to nurture future leaders, into arenas of brutality and violence. Lives lost in this conflict cannot be restored by any reforms.

Students claim the Prime Minister insulted them by comparing them to "razakar," interpreting her remarks as labeling all meritorious students, except the grandchildren of freedom fighters, as traitors. Government ministers later clarified that the Prime Minister's comments were misinterpreted, asserting she did not call students "razakar."

A crucial question arises: how can students accept being compared to "razakar"? Do they fail to grasp the historical atrocities associated with the term? "Razakar" refers to those who sided with the Pakistani military, committing heinous acts against Bangladeshis in 1971. The term evokes memories of mass killings, torture, and other war crimes.

However, following the students' chant, the government and some of the media chose to distort their anger. They only took the first part of the slogan, which might seem void of context, to indicate that the students proclaim themselves to be Razakars. Hasina and other politicians made harsh statements based on this assessment and threatened the students about the chant, completely forgetting the next part of the slogan and the entire context.

On July 18, the protesters called for a complete shutdown nationwide, except for emergency service vehicles. This time, students from private universities in the capital city joined students from public universities and students from secondary schools and colleges. With the situation worsening, the law minister of Bangladesh appeared before the media, declaring that the government was ready to negotiate with the protesters. However, the clash between the students and the law enforcing agencies continued. 

The situation went out of control when the opposition parties-BNP and Jamaat-declared to stage demonstrations aligning with the student movement. Thus, the quota reform movement was hijacked by the general students by the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami cadres, who were trying to create chaos. Using the student movement, they wanted to try to blow the wind to the anti-government movement. 

On July 18 and July 19, they created havoc all across the country. At least 30 major establishments burned down during the two days including Key Point Installments (KPIs). The burning of two metro rail stations, main building of Bangladesh Television (BTV) and even torching the hub of the city's internet data cables, that created a complete network shutdown for the whole week, cannot be the act of common students. The analysis of video footages surely tells the story that the vandalism was done by interest-driven groups, not the common students. Thus, the protest movement was not only about quota reform anymore, but it has become a threat to the existence of the current stability of the country.

After the broke out of violent confrontations, Bangladesh government has rightly decided to impose curfew and deploy army with an immediate effect. After 2007, when emergency was declared, this is the first time that the government deployed members of armed forces in aid to civil administration, except during elections. The decision improved the situation and with the Supreme Court (SC) order on July 20 to major reforms to the quota system in jobs at government, semi-government and autonomous bodies, curtailing quotas to only seven percent from the existing 56 percent, the situation came under control.

The declaration of quota reform was a long-awaited decision for the student movement but some vested interest groups has made the movement an issue for destabilizing the government and halting the development trajectory of the country. The perpetrators should give exemplary punishment for such hateful terrorism and arson attacks.

The writer is Director, Centre for South Asian Studies (CSAS)



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