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How a student movement ousted a regime 

Published : Wednesday, 7 August, 2024 at 12:00 AM  Count : 377
Bangladesh has experienced an unprecedented student movement. What began as small protests to reform the quota system in government jobs has grown into a movement against discrimination and injustice, culminating in a massive public uprising. Various sections of society have joined, making it one of the largest movements in Bangladesh history. Despite the use of huge force and deployment of strong law enforcement agencies such as the police, RAB, and  paramilitary forces, the government has been unable to control the movement. It has spread from city to city, town to town, and even internationally, with demonstrations against inequality and corruption. Students all over the world expressed solidarity with the movement's cause. 

Despite the tragic loss of hundreds of innocent people, including students, children, and civilians, the movement remains strong.  This has shaken a powerful authoritarian regime known for its harsh rule and brutal suppression of protests. Unable to control the movement, the government imposed a curfew, deployed the military, turned off the internet, and shut down offices, banks, and businesses. Finally, protesters called for the resignation of Sheikh Hasina's government. After failing to control the people's uprising through force, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned and left the country on Monday, August 5, 2024. 

Previously, Sheikh Hasina successfully managed large protests with police, RAB, and para-military forces. This raises the question, "What went wrong?" Why is the once-popular leader facing the fate of a dictator, forced to  resign and leave the country in disgrace?

The student movement was not an isolated event but rather a manifestation of a broader spectrum of accumulated grievances, deprivation, frustration, and anger among the general public. While the unjust quota system served as a significant catalyst, it was merely the trigger for much deeper discontent. Issues such as the denial of voting rights, poor governance, rampant corruption, economic hardship, inflation, and the undermining of human rights and freedoms all contributed to a conducive environment for mass participation and widespread support for the students' cause. Thus, the movement represents a convergence of multiple systemic failures, widespread societal frustrations, and mass uprisings against autocratic rule.

Hasina was a highly popular leader. She entered politics during her student life, joining Chattra League, the student wing of the Awami League, and participated in numerous student movements. She became a prominent and outspoken advocate for democracy and played a significant role in overthrowing the military regime in 1990. She served as Prime Minister of Bangladesh five times: from 1996 to 2001, 2009 to 2014, 2014 to 2018, 2018 to 2024, and from January 2024 to August 4, 2024. She is the longest-serving prime minister in the history of Bangladesh, with a combined total of over 20 years in office.

Over the years, Sheikh Hasina's political journey has shifted from being a social democrat to an authoritarian leader. Since the latter part of her second term as Prime Minister, she has distanced herself from parliamentary democracy, increasingly relying on civil and military bureaucracy. Managing the 2014 election and brutally suppressing the opposition with the help of civil and military forces gave her a strong sense of overconfidence and pride. She became a charismatic and powerful leader, concentrating all power and authority in her own hands. She limited the space for dialogue and discussion in the political sphere, including the cabinet and parliament. Although she was a proponent of democracy, there was little democracy within the party, parliament, or decision-making processes. 

The Awami League leadership failed to objectively analyze the situation and underestimated the power of the students and the people. Instead of recognizing their logical demands, the government labeled the protesters as anti-liberation forces and resorted to physical retaliation through party supporters and police, attempting to suppress the movements with excessive force and oppression. The ruling Awami League's student wing, Chattra League, and the police were used to control the protests. The use of force against innocent students and insulting, derogatory comments by ministers and the Prime Minister further escalated the peaceful protests into violent conflicts, spreading across the country and tragically claiming valuable lives.

After the democratic transition of the 1990s, Bangladesh emerged from a prolonged period of military authoritarianism in December 1990. Democracy seemed poised to take root, especially after the new constitution of 1991 replaced autocratic presidential rule with a parliamentary system. However, Bangladesh has struggled to maintain a robust democratic system.

 Organizing free and fair elections is fundamental to the democratic process, yet the failure of the Election Commission to conduct credible elections has resulted in a significant loss of public faith in both the electoral process and the institution itself. Although the Awami League championed the establishment of a nonpartisan caretaker government to ensure free and fair elections in 1996, this system was abolished in 2011, further undermining the integrity of the electoral process and democracy.

The key lesson is that dictatorships never last long. Future leaders should remember that no power can stand up to the power of the people. Today, there is renewed hope for democracy, which is the primary vehicle for achieving people's goals, expressing their interests, and fostering civil society. To ensure the success of the democratic process, democratic institutions must be reformed and strengthened. This includes establishing an effective and trustworthy election commission, a fair and just judiciary, an efficient and functioning bureaucracy, and responsible and accountable governance system. 

Strengthening these institutions should be the top priority for bolstering democracy.

The writer is Professor, Department of Economics, International University of Business Agriculture and Technology


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