The social contract is a fragile pact. Citizens surrender a portion of their absolute liberty to the state, and in return, the state guarantees the most fundamental of all rights: the right to life and physical security. Today, in Bangladesh, that pact is not just fraying; it is being systematically dismantled. As the nation grapples with a surge in violence that spares neither the political elite nor the common citizen, the rhetoric of progress emanating from the corridors of power stands in jarring, grotesque contrast to the blood-stained reality on our streets.
The recent spate of violence is not merely a collection of isolated criminal acts; it is a clinical manifestation of a society descending into anarchy, where the predators have ceased to fear the law, and the victims have lost faith in the state's capacity to protect them.
Consider the chilling sequence of events that have defined our recent headlines. In the heart of the capital, just outside the Suhrawardy Hospital, a woman was snatched from a moving rickshaw by opportunistic muggers. Her death, following a four-day struggle for survival, was not just a tragedy; it was a testament to the absolute absence of public safety. When citizens are not safe even in the proximity of major healthcare institutions, the state's claim to order becomes a cruel joke.
In Khulna, the mask of state authority was ripped away on a Friday. Amidst a supposed special police operation, BNP leader Rafiqul Islam Gazi was attacked in broad daylight. The methodology�"helmeted assailants on motorcycles, firing at point-blank range�"is the hallmark of a professionalized criminal class that operates with the confidence of those who know they are untouchable.
During the first 100 days of the government, crimes such as murder,
robbery, mugging, and abduction increased at an alarming rate across the
country, according to a research report published by Transparency
International Bangladesh (TIB).
On that same day, in the Rampura area of Dhaka, the shooting of a known underworld figure, Kaila Palash, underscored a disturbing truth: the criminals are now settling their own scores on public streets, treating our neighborhoods as their private battlegrounds. Even the supposed guardians of the law are no longer immune. The stabbing of two police officers in the Sher-e-Bangla Nagar area at midnight signifies a terminal decline in the deterrent power of the state. If the police cannot protect themselves, what hope is left for the defenseless civilian?
Beyond the headlines of targeted hits and muggings lies the silent, agonizing epidemic of sexual violence. From systemic, gang-style rapes to the horrific case of Ramisa�"a name that has become a synonym for our collective failure�"the message to the women of this country is clear: the state is a silent bystander.
During the first 100 days of the government, crimes such as murder, robbery, mugging, and abduction increased at an alarming rate across the country, according to a research report published by Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB).
The findings were presented at a press conference held on June 7 at the Midas Centre in Dhanmondi, Dhaka. During the event, TIB highlighted the state of crime and human rights violations during BNP government's first 100 days following the 13th National Parliamentary Election.
According to the report, a total of 605 murders were recorded across the country in March and April alone. During the same period, there were 196 cases of abduction, 294 incidents of mugging, and 90 robberies.
The report further revealed that 129 attacks were carried out against police personnel during this period. In addition, 2,214 theft cases were reported, while incidents of violence against women and children reached 3,496. Between March and April, the number of rape victims ranged from 78 to 102, while 30 to 36 people were subjected to gang rape. The number of child rape victims ranged from 49 to 71.
The report also documented between 69 and 80 incidents of mob violence and lynching. As a result, between 31 and 42 people were killed and 70 to 125 were injured in mob attacks. Deaths in custody ranged from 14 to 18 cases. Five individuals were injured due to torture by law enforcement agencies, one person fell victim to an extrajudicial killing, seven people were arrested on allegations of hurting or insulting religious sentiments, and three incidents of communal unrest were recorded.
The central question, and the one the current administration seems most desperate to evade, is not why are criminals committing crimes? Criminals, by definition, operate within the vacuum of opportunity. The real question is: why are they allowed the oxygen to operate?
We are told by the government that the law and order situation has improved. This is not merely a misinterpretation of data; it is an act of gaslighting a nation in mourning. When the executive branch prioritizes political survival over public safety, the law enforcement apparatus inevitably loses its edge. The police, the intelligence agencies, and the Ministry of Home Affairs seem caught in a paralysis�"partly due to incompetence, but largely due to the politicization of the institutions themselves.
When law enforcement is used as a tool for political suppression rather than the impartial guardian of public order, its efficacy in preventing street crime evaporates. Intelligence agencies, which are hyper-vigilant when it comes to monitoring the political opposition, appear remarkably short-sighted when it comes to the movements of violent gangs and syndicates. This is a clear indicator that the priorities of the state have been inverted.
The writer is a journalist and global affairs analyst
