On 21 June, Mirza Ishtiaq Ahmed Prant, a former Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) leader and law student from Faridpur, left home and never returned. Hours later, he was found dead in custody. His family's torture allegations and the authorities' denial revived a familiar debate over custodial deaths, exposing a crisis that has persisted across governments despite constitutional protections, anti torture laws and repeated promises of reform.
On 24 June, Nurul Alam, joint convener of the banned Jubo League's Satkania Upazila unit, died in Chittagong Central Jail, a day after his arrest, while in January this year, Shamsuzzaman Dablu (50) general secretary of a municipal BNP unit, died during a joint force operation in Chuadanga's Jibannagar Upazila. His family and witnesses alleged that he died after being tortured in custody.
Mirza Ishtiaq Ahmed Prant and Nurul Alam are not alone rather custodial deaths pile up day by day. Despite changes in government, the death toll inside Bangladesh's prisons and police lock-ups continues to mount and accountability remains a distant promise.
* 943 people died in prisons and police custody
* 185 prison deaths registered in 2022
* 155 deaths recorded in 2023
* 120 deaths logged in 2024
* 172 deaths in 2025
* 39 custodial deaths reported in 3 months of 2026
A Graveyard of NumbersThe numbers tell a grim story that transcends governments. According to human rights organisation Ain O Salish Kendra (ASK), at least 943 people died in prisons and police custody between January 2014 and May 2026, including 575 who had not been convicted of any offence. Prison deaths stood at 185 in 2022, 155 in 2023, 120 in 2024, before rising again to 172 in 2025 under the interim government. In the first quarter of 2026 alone, ASK recorded at least 39 custodial deaths. Similar trends have been documented by the Human Rights Support Society (HRSS) and the Human Rights Culture Foundation (MSF), which estimate an average of 78 custodial deaths each year. The figures suggest that while governments have changed, the culture of state violence has endured.
POST-UPRISING DEAD REGISTER Custodial deaths have cut across political parties, regions and generations, exposing a systemic failure that has persisted under successive governments.
The toll rose sharply during the final years of the Awami League government and after the August 2024 uprising, claiming numerous Awami League leaders, including Abu Bakar Siddique, Shahidul Islam, Abdul Latif, Shahadat Alam Jhunu, Abdul Matin alias Mithu, Wasiqur Rahman Babur, Emdadul Haque alias Bhattu, Sultan Mia, Md Murad Hossain, Ramesh Chandra Sen, Prolay Chaki, Humayun Kabir, Golam Mostafa, Abdur Rahman Mia and Nurul Majid Mahmud Humayun. Authorities cited illness, while families alleged negligence.
Opposition figures, including former Jatiyabadi Chhatra Dal leader Abdur Rahman and Jubo Dal leader Touhidul Islam, also died in custody. So did ordinary citizens such as university teacher Firoza Ashrafi, CNG driver Yasin Mia, Sultana Jasmine and others.
The pattern remains grim- arrest, death, official denial and little accountability.
THE LEGAL ARCHITECTURE AND ITS HOLLOW PRACTICEBangladesh has no shortage of legal safeguards against custodial abuse. The Constitution guarantees the right to life, liberty, legal protection and freedom from torture under Articles 31, 32 and 35(5), while international commitments including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the UN Convention Against Torture reinforce those protections. The Torture and Custodial Death (Prevention) Act, 2013 criminalises torture in custody, the Prison Act of 1894 and the Jail Code of 1864 require regular medical care for detainees, and Bangladesh signed the Optional Protocol to the Convention Against Torture in 2025 to strengthen independent oversight of detention facilities.
Yet rights advocates argue that enforcement remains the weakest link. Arrest without warrant under Section 54 and remand under Section 167 of the Code of Criminal Procedure have long been criticised as enabling abuse, while the 2013 law narrowly defines torture by focusing on extracting confessions, leaving other forms of custodial violence beyond its reach. As human rights lawyer Jyotirmoy Barua observed, when a person dies in state custody, the state cannot evade responsibility.
The first successful prosecution under the 2013 Act came only in 2020, when three police officers were sentenced to life imprisonment and two others to seven years over the custodial death of Ishtiaq Hossain. Though landmark, the verdict remains a rare exception in a system where accountability is still elusive.
STRUCTURAL FAILURESCustodial deaths in Bangladesh are driven by systemic failures rather than isolated misconduct. The country's 75 prisons hold two to three times their capacity, while only two of 141 sanctioned prison doctor posts are filled. Most prisons lack full time medical officers, daily health checks are rarely conducted despite legal requirements, and just 27 ambulances serve the entire prison system.
Rights groups say impunity remains the greatest obstacle. According to Odhikar and ASK, 70 to 80 per cent of custodial deaths are never independently investigated, while official explanations such as heart attack or natural causes often go unverified. TIB Executive Director Dr Iftekharuzzaman said the lack of accountability allows abuses to continue, and human rights lawyer Manzil Morshed argued that political will is essential to end the cycle. Human Rights Watch has also expressed concern over arbitrary detention under both the previous Awami League government and the current interim administration.
THE HIGH COURT'S GAZE AND THE DEMAND FOR REFORMIn 2024, the High Court ordered a review of deaths in prisons and police custody over the previous two decades, raising hopes for the country's most comprehensive official reckoning. Economist Professor Anu Muhammad argued that the state must guarantee every citizen's right to a natural death, regardless of political affiliation or criminal allegations.
Experts say reform requires round the clock prison healthcare, independent investigations, faster trials, wider use of bail to reduce overcrowding, better staff training and humane detention conditions. TIB Executive Director Dr Iftekharuzzaman stressed that every custodial death must be investigated impartially and those responsible held accountable.
The deaths of Mirza Ishtiaq Ahmed Prant and Nurul Alam are stark reminders that despite the promise of a new Bangladesh after the 2024 uprising, meaningful reform, political will and accountability remain elusive.
