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BRI and Bangladesh: Economic Opportunity or Strategic Balancing Act?

Published : Sunday, 11 October, 2026 at 12:00 AM
Nusrat Jahan Arpita
In the geopolitics and geo-economics of the twenty-first century, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) stands as one of China’s most ambitious global development and connectivity strategies. Bangladesh officially joined the initiative in 2016. Over the past decade, while the BRI’s role in Bangladesh’s visible infrastructure development has been undeniable, debates surrounding its geopolitical implications and economic risks have grown increasingly vocal. At this crucial stage of transitioning from a developing nation into an emerging economy, a vital question arises-is the BRI a golden economic opportunity for Bangladesh, or is it fundamentally a test of strategic balancing?

As a developing nation, one of the primary bottlenecks to Bangladesh’s economic growth has been inadequate infrastructure and limited connectivity. Under the BRI framework, China has provided billions of dollars for Bangladesh’s power, energy, road and rail connectivity sectors. Megaprojects such as the Padma Bridge Rail Link, the Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Tunnel under the Karnaphuli River and the Payra Thermal Power Plant have injected new momentum into the country’s transport network and industrialisation. This influx of investment has facilitated domestic transit and enhanced Bangladesh’s attractiveness to foreign investors. Upgraded infrastructure can directly contribute to economic growth. Consequently, the BRI’s contribution to Bangladesh’s economic transformation cannot be overlooked.

However, the flip side carries serious concerns. Following the experiences of Sri Lanka, Pakistan and several African nations, the phrase “debt trap” has become a subject of intense global debate. Chinese loans can come with higher interest rates and stricter commercial terms than financing from multilateral institutions such as the World Bank or the Asian Development Bank (ADB). To date, Bangladesh has demonstrated prudence in managing its foreign debt. Chinese loans still constitute a manageable fraction of Bangladesh’s total external debt and have not reached alarming levels. Nevertheless, delays in project implementation, cost overruns and failure to generate expected revenues could create a heavy debt-servicing burden in the long run. Given global economic fluctuations and foreign exchange pressures, rigorous cost-benefit analysis of every prospective Chinese project remains essential.

Beyond economics, the BRI places Bangladesh at the intersection of competing geopolitical interests. Its strategic location in the Bay of Bengal, proximity to India and growing economic ties with China make it increasingly important in the evolving Indo-Pacific landscape. Engagement with the BRI is therefore not simply an infrastructure or financing decision; it is also a matter of preserving strategic autonomy amid intensifying competition among major powers. China has emerged as one of Bangladesh’s most important economic partners in infrastructure, trade, energy and development financing. At the same time, India remains indispensable because of geographical proximity, extensive bilateral trade, connectivity, energy cooperation and shared interests in regional stability. Bangladesh also relies heavily on the European Union and the United States as major export markets, particularly for its readymade garment industry. This interdependence means Dhaka cannot afford to align itself exclusively with any single major power.

India’s concerns over China’s growing strategic presence in South Asia add another layer of complexity. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a major BRI component, passes through territory claimed by India, leading New Delhi to view parts of the initiative as a challenge to its sovereignty and regional interests. Although Bangladesh’s engagement with China differs fundamentally from the CPEC framework, India remains attentive to Beijing’s expanding economic and infrastructural footprint in the Bay of Bengal. Meanwhile, the United States and the European Union have increasingly emphasised a free, open, secure and rules-based Indo-Pacific. Washington’s strategic competition with Beijing has created an environment in which even economic partnerships can acquire geopolitical significance. Bangladesh has therefore sought to maintain constructive relations with all major powers while avoiding formal alignment with competing blocs.

This is where Bangladesh’s long-standing foreign policy principle-“Friendship to all, malice towards none”-faces one of its most consequential tests. The objective should not be to choose between China, India or the West, but to preserve sufficient strategic space to pursue national interests. Engagement with China should not undermine relations with India, while closer cooperation with the United States, the European Union or other partners should not come at the expense of legitimate economic ties with Beijing.

For Bangladesh, the real challenge is therefore not balancing one power against another, but balancing its own interests amid great-power competition. Dhaka needs a diversified foreign economic policy in which infrastructure financing, trade, investment, technology and connectivity are sourced from multiple partners. Diversification would reduce excessive dependence on any single country and strengthen Bangladesh’s bargaining position.

Bangladesh’s engagement with the BRI should consequently be guided by strategic autonomy rather than geopolitical alignment. Every new project should undergo rigorous and independent cost-benefit analysis, with careful consideration of economic returns, repayment burdens and strategic implications. Greater transparency in loan terms, repayment schedules and procurement processes is also essential.

At the same time, BRI projects should deliver more than physical infrastructure. Bangladesh should seek technology transfer, local employment and greater participation of domestic firms. Diversifying partnerships with India, Japan, the United States, the European Union and multilateral institutions can further reduce dependence on any single partner. Ultimately, the BRI is neither a blind trap nor a free gift for Bangladesh. Its value will depend on how effectively Dhaka converts Chinese financing into sustainable economic gains while protecting its strategic autonomy. Bangladesh does not need to choose sides in the competition among major powers. Instead, it should place national interest at the centre of its foreign economic policy, cooperate widely and negotiate wisely. If Bangladesh can maintain fiscal prudence, diversify its partnerships and preserve balanced relations with major powers, the BRI can become an important instrument of development rather than a source of strategic vulnerability.

The writer is a student of Mass Communication and Journalism Department at Jagannath University, Dhaka



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