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BANGLA EPAPER 📍 Dhaka 📅 Sunday | 12 July 2026, 17 Poush 1376
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Caretaker govt's return will restore public trust in polls

Published : Sunday, 12 July, 2026 at 12:00 AM
Bangladesh's political history has been shaped by several defining constitutional moments, but only a few have fundamentally altered the course of its democratic journey. The Supreme Court's recent decision restoring the non-partisan Caretaker Government system stands out as one such landmark. More than a judicial ruling, it represents an effort to rebuild public confidence in the electoral process, ensure the peaceful transfer of power, and strengthen democratic institutions after years of political polarisation.

For many years, the caretaker government model was regarded as an innovative constitutional solution. Elections held under the Caretaker Government in 1996 and 2001 were generally viewed as more credible than elections conducted under incumbent administrations.

The concept of a Caretaker Government emerged in the early 1990s, when Bangladesh experienced repeated political crises over national elections. Opposition parties consistently accused incumbent governments of using state institutions to influence election outcomes, while governments rejected those allegations. The resulting mistrust often led to election boycotts, violent protests, and prolonged political instability.

To overcome this impasse, political parties reached a rare national consensus. They agreed that elections should be conducted under a neutral, non-partisan interim administration responsible solely for organizing free, fair, and credible elections. This consensus was constitutionally formalized in 1996 through the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution during the tenure of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) government.

Under this arrangement, executive authority would temporarily pass to a Caretaker Government after the dissolution of Parliament. The Chief Adviser was ordinarily the most recently retired Chief Justice, while the interim administration was entrusted with routine governance and the responsibility of assisting the Election Commission in conducting a peaceful, impartial, and participatory election within a constitutionally prescribed period.

For many years, this model was regarded as an innovative constitutional solution. Elections held under the Caretaker Government in 1996 and 2001 were generally viewed as more credible than elections conducted under incumbent administrations. Although no election was free from controversy, the system significantly enhanced public confidence in electoral neutrality and contributed to relatively peaceful transfers of power.

However, the system also revealed important weaknesses. The military-backed Caretaker Government of 2007�"2008, formed during a severe political crisis, remained in office for nearly two years despite the Constitution envisioning only a short interim period. During this time, anti-corruption initiatives and electoral reforms were introduced, including the modernization of voter registration. Nevertheless, the emergency rule also restricted political activities and civil liberties, raising serious constitutional and democratic concerns.

The experience demonstrated that even a mechanism designed to protect democracy can become problematic if it exceeds its constitutional mandate. It highlighted the importance of clearly defined constitutional limits, institutional accountability, and the timely restoration of elected government.

In 2011, Bangladesh entered another significant constitutional phase. Following a judgment of the Appellate Division questioning the constitutional validity of the Thirteenth Amendment, Parliament enacted the Fifteenth Amendment, abolishing the Caretaker Government system altogether. The amendment also repealed the constitutional provision for referendums and introduced several other constitutional changes.

Supporters of the amendment argued that democratic governance requires elected governments to remain in office until power is transferred to another elected administration. They maintained that unelected interim governments, regardless of their neutrality, were inconsistent with the principles of representative democracy.

Opposition parties, constitutional scholars, and many civil society organizations disagreed. They argued that Bangladesh's political institutions had not yet developed sufficient independence to ensure genuinely impartial elections under incumbent governments. According to this view, the Caretaker Government was not a perfect constitutional arrangement but a practical safeguard necessary for maintaining electoral credibility.

The controversy intensified after the parliamentary elections of 2014 and 2018, both of which generated significant political disputes regarding participation, competitiveness, and public confidence. These elections renewed national debate over whether an independent interim administration remained essential for restoring trust in the electoral process.

Following the political changes brought about by the student-led mass uprising and the subsequent transition of power, legal challenges to the Fifteenth Amendment gained fresh momentum.

In July 2025, the High Court delivered a landmark judgment declaring several provisions of the Fifteenth Amendment�"including the abolition of the Caretaker Government�"to be unconstitutional. The Court observed that removing the constitutional framework for a neutral election-time administration had adversely affected democratic governance and public confidence in elections.

The matter was subsequently heard by the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court. After extensive constitutional deliberations, the Court upheld the High Court's judgment and restored the constitutional framework for a non-partisan Caretaker Government. It also reinstated the constitutional provision relating to referendums and clarified that the most recently retired Chief Justice would ordinarily serve as the Chief Adviser, thereby addressing one of the major controversies surrounding the previous system.

This landmark judgment represents far more than the restoration of a constitutional mechanism. It seeks to reconcile constitutional continuity with democratic legitimacy while addressing institutional weaknesses that had contributed to earlier political crises.

Nevertheless, restoring the Caretaker Government alone cannot guarantee democratic success. Constitutional mechanisms are only as effective as the political culture within which they operate. Electoral integrity depends not only on legal provisions but also on the independence of the Election Commission, the neutrality of the civil administration and law enforcement agencies, an impartial judiciary, responsible political leadership, and an informed electorate.

Political parties also carry a shared responsibility. Democratic competition should never undermine democratic institutions. Electoral victory must not come at the expense of constitutional norms, and electoral defeat should not automatically lead to the rejection of legitimate democratic outcomes.

Parliament, too, has an important role. While the Supreme Court has restored the constitutional framework, the legislature retains the authority to refine the system through reasonable constitutional and legal reforms.

If implemented with constitutional fidelity, institutional neutrality, and political goodwill, the restored Caretaker Government may help strengthen electoral credibility, encourage peaceful transfers of power, and reinforce democratic confidence. In that sense, the Court's judgment is not the final destination of Bangladesh's democratic journey; rather, it marks the beginning of a new chapter in the nation's continuing pursuit of constitutional democracy, electoral integrity, and public trust.

The writer is an MPhil Researcher, University of Rajshahi, and teacher at Gazipur Cantonment Public School and College





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